This was potentially huge news, the first rumblings of a massive political earthquake. Late last week, Fox News reported, “
ODNI sends criminal referrals to DOJ for ex-IG, whistleblower tied to Trump impeachment.” In a rare example of a “somebody said something” story that was actually newsworthy, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard issued a remarkable —if not historic— official DNI press release that declassified
more new documents related to Impeachment I. Here’s the staggering title,
right from the website:
She didn’t just declassify some documents. Tulsi simultaneously made criminal referrals to the DOJ against several key actors involved in the 2020 Impeachment. It was a poisoned dagger shivved into the heart of the conspiracy to defeat President Trump using politicized lawfare: “they manufactured and manipulated the whistleblower process to create the pretext for an impeachment of the sitting President.”
It’s dense— replete with murky names, a calendar’s worth of dates, and documents bearing bureaucratic titles as long as small novels. Let’s walk through it without getting in the weeds.
This round’s starring character was former Intelligence Community Inspector General (IC/IG) Michael Atkinson, who served during the middle years of Trump 1.0 until the President fired him. The IC/IG is supposed to be a neutral, internal watchdog for the entire intelligence community, and definitely not a policy or political actor. One of those “nonpartisan” career professionals we keep hearing about but never seem to find.
Atkinson is the key federal official who formally launched the RussiaGate impeachment hoax. Under the banner of his “nonpartisan” office, he made a “referral of urgent concern” to Congress in 2019, alleging there was “credible evidence” that President Trump blackmailed Kiev’s clownlike president Zelensky. Atkinson claimed that Trump intimidated Zelensky to investigate the Biden Crime Family’s nefarious activities in Ukraine, which Atkinson claimed was intended to influence the upcoming election, presumably by exposing Biden’s illegal hijinks to the public.
In other words, Atkinson’s narrative was that Trump leveraged his office and the tools of U.S. foreign policy, including by pausing aid (the stick) and dangling a White House visit (the carrot), to induce Ukraine to investigate the Bidens. The dual charge: abuse of power combined with election interference.
The worst.
That is old, well-worn news. Now’s where it gets really interesting based on the new document disclosures— which itself was a historic declassification unlike anything that has ever before emerged from the DNI’s secretive offices. For the very first time in ODNI’s 21-year history, a sitting DNI has made criminal referrals against her own office’s former leadership.
Tulsi declassified Atkinson’s investigative file. What she found —and what the file shows— is that the “nonpartisan” inspector general was anything but nonpartisan. He twisted the rules into a mall pretzel shape to fit the “crimes.” He ignored the actual transcript of Trump’s call with Zelensky, and instead relied on four unnamed “whistleblowers”— none of whom heard the call and all of whom were easily impeachable for obvious political bias.
The whistleblowers were all partisan Democrats with a history of Trump opposition, none of whom were on the call. Atkinson knitted that into a “referral of urgent concern” that spurred the President’s impeachment and sidelined his agenda.
And he bent the rules like Uri Geller bending a drawer full of spoons. First, and maybe most egregiously, the IG’s office had a long-standing rule for whistleblowers:
no hearsay. That means whistleblowers could only report things they actually knew about— and nothing that they “heard” from someone else. That rule was actually printed
right on the form.
But none of his whistleblowers had personal knowledge of the call. One whistleblower actually wrote, “I do not have direct knowledge of private comments or communications by the President.” The second whistleblower claimed to have read the transcript, and wrote they “would not have been able to get from ‘point A to Z’ the way the (first) Whistleblower did.” A third whistleblower —also going from the transcript— wrote that they had to “read between the lines,” and that his/her perception of a quid pro quo only “became clear in hindsight.”
Just guessing.
This kind of second-hand testimony was prohibited right on the face of the form. So Atkinson just … changed the form. He simply deleted the prohibition against hearsay. Kind of like changing the definition of “vaccine” on the CDC website.
And, even though all the ‘witnesses’ all based their conclusions on readings of the call transcript— Atkinson never read the transcript himself. He hid behind the sofa. He avoided the transcript like it was a pair of Jehovah’s Witnesses ringing his front doorbell.
Despite all that, Atkinson quickly made a criminal referral to the DOJ. DOJ looked at it and found “no urgent concern,” and kicked it back. Atkinson shrugged, re-packaged it for Congress —no actual investigation needed— and the impeachment game was afoot.

Now let’s look at Atkinson’s “whistleblowers”— who were just people who’d read the transcript of the Trump-Zelensky call. The “call” included a crowd of officials and employees approximately the size of a high-school football team. On the Ukrainian side, Zelensky had an unspecified number of aides and advisors. The US side included Trump, White House notetakers, NSC staff, and other senior aides. Trump later declassified and released the transcript.
Nobody who was actually
on the call ever objected, became a whistleblower, or testified against Trump. None of them were even interviewed by Atkinson before he made his impeachment referral. House and Senate Democrats took the deeply flawed report and ran with it.
Instead, the first and main witness told Atkinson: (1) he was a registered Democrat. (2) He “worked closely with Vice President Biden” and was involved in Biden’s Ukraine businesses. (3) He said he was “the target of right-wing bloggers … and conspiracy theorists.” (4) He coordinated with Adam Schiff’s House Intelligence Committee staff before filing the complaint.
Despite all those clues, Atkinson later testified that “I never considered the whistleblower to be politically biased.” During the 2020 impeachment trial, Democrats refused to let Trump’s lawyers ask about the Whistleblower’s bias and motives.
The second ‘whistleblower’ was just as flawed. (1) They admitted in a witness interview to being a “co-author of the 2017 ICA”— the discredited source of the RussiaGate allegations. (2) They admitted to working ‘alongside’ now-disgraced FBI agent Peter Strzok (of the “insurance policy” fame). (3) They advised interviewers of being “disappointed everyday by policy decisions”— meaning the President’s policy decisions.
Basically, Atkinson rounded up some of the most virulently partisan Democrats in the deep state —who weren’t on the call— and used them to manufacture out of thin air a criminal allegation against the sitting President of the United States. That’s apparently all it took to launch the coup.

In the long, secretive, buttoned‑down history of the U.S. intelligence bureaucracy, Tulsi Gabbard’s press release landed like a meteor crashing into a mobile home. This isn’t just another dry “we take these concerns seriously” memo. It’s the sitting DNI accusing her
own predecessors and official watchdogs of running a years‑long coup and then stapling criminal referrals to the front for good measure.
It’s a big deal. I’m not sure there’s anything remotely historically comparable. On behalf of the entire ODNI, Tulsi is not just admitting past wrongdoing. The Office is explicitly alleging that senior IC players and an Inspector General deliberately “manufactured and manipulated” intelligence and whistleblower processes to overturn the democratic result of a national election, and did it in an official press release labeled as advancing “transparency and accountability.”
In a single stroke, the ODNI dragged the secret world’s dirty laundry into the DMV’s fluorescent lights, naming names, declassifying transcripts that Congressional Democrats literally kept in a safe, and inviting Todd Blanche’s DOJ to go hunting for crimes in the same skunkworks that helped impeach the President.
For an institution that normally communicates in passive voice and footnotes, this is the bureaucratic equivalent of flipping the lights on at 3 a.m. in the deep state’s nightclub and handing the bouncers over to the cops. Future historians will circle April 13, 2026, in red ink— as the day the intelligence community publicly turned its detective flashlight back on itself.
If the Atkinson file confirms what conservative reporters have been saying for six years —that Schiff’s staff was coordinating with the Whistleblower (Eric Ciaramella, pictured above) before the referral was filed— then Schiff’s 2028 hopes will die, too.
One cannot help but notice the timing. Seven months remain before the midterms. The Florida grand jury is continuing its work. Historically, the DOJ has avoided bringing politically-sensitive indictments within two months of an election. But Biden’s DOJ trashed that ‘unwritten rule’ in the Trump cases.
When South Florida Judge Cannon pressed Special Prosecutor Jack Smith’s team on the 60‑day rule, his lead prosecutor flatly said putting Trump on trial in the run‑up to the election was consistent with the Justice Manual and that the “60‑day rule” doesn’t appear anywhere in the DOJ’s formal rules.
What’s good for the goose is good for the gander.
The Navy confiscates Iran’s favorite sanctions-busting freighter, Tulsi hands DOJ the impeachment receipts, Erica Schwartz tests MAHA’s blood pressure, more.
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