Why Trump Wasn’t Charged With Insurrection
Jack Smith's indictment suggests that his bosses at the White House and the DOJ have a different goal.
This must have been particularly frustrating for those who have long insisted that the 14th Amendment prohibits Trump from serving a second presidential term. The primary purpose of the 14th Amendment was, of course, to grant citizenship to emancipated slaves. However, it also includes language in
Section 3 that bars anyone who has “engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the [United States]” from holding office in the federal government. This passage was included to prevent former officials of the Confederacy from returning to Congress and creating more mischief. The problem with using this clause against Donald Trump is
explained by constitutional law professor Josh Blackman in
Reason:
In some legal circles, advocates contend that it is so obvious that Trump committed insurrection. Yet, the special counsel, after studying the issue for months, opted not to bring that charge. Why? Perhaps Smith determined that he could not prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Trump engaged in insurrection. Or maybe Smith determined there were considerable legal questions about how to obtain such a conviction – most critically, was there an actual insurrection? (Yes, for the Supreme Court to knock Trump off the ballot, you need five votes to say that there was an insurrection as a matter of law – good luck with that!)
It evidently never occurred to the victims of Trump Derangement Syndrome that “insurrection” is a legal term with an actual definition in the U.S. Code. In order to convict former President Trump of this crime, the Special Prosecutor must prove that he fits the following description in
18 U.S.C. § 2383: “Whoever incites, sets on foot, assists, or engages in any rebellion or insurrection against the authority of the United States or the laws thereof, or gives aid or comfort thereto.” Anyone convicted of insurrection can expect a long prison term and a hefty fine. It would be difficult to convict Trump under this statute, considering that
not one participant in the Jan. 6 riot has been charged with insurrection.
A few have been
charged with “seditious conspiracy.” Others are accused of “assaulting, resisting, or impeding officers.” The vast majority have been charged with far less serious offences, such as “entering or remaining in a restricted federal building or grounds.” This behavior was inexcusable, but it certainly did not rise to the level of insurrection. Thus, Jack Smith was under such pressure to charge Trump for something relating to Jan. 6 he was reduced to indicting him for “lying” about the 2020 election. Yet, such criminalization of false statements, as law professor Jonathan Turley
writes in the
Hill, was declared unconstitutional 11 years ago by the Supreme Court in
United States v. Alvarez:
Under our current understanding of free speech, Democrats ranging from Hillary Clinton to Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.) were engaged in protected speech when they called Trump illegitimate and challenged the certification of his win, even though they knew that their challenges were completely meritless. Yet this indictment suggests that Trump engaged (and indeed still engages) in criminal conduct by insisting that the 2020 election was stolen. Presumably, it also follows that tens of millions of Americans holding that same view are also involved in spreading the same false claims underlying the indictment.
But Smith need not be concerned about such trivia as the First Amendment or Supreme Court precedent. He was appointed Special Counsel primarily to keep Trump immured in a legal web from which it will be time consuming and costly to extricate himself. Smith will have very little difficulty accomplishing that in a trial presided over by U.S. District Court Judge Tanya Chutkan, an Obama appointee
notorious for handing down harsher sentences to Jan. 6 defendants than recommended by Justice Department prosecutors. Moreover, because the trial will be held in Washington, DC — where
92.2 percent of the 2020 presidential vote went to Biden — the jury pool will certainly share Judge Chutkan’s prejudice.